There were an array of emotions being felt that night by americans everywhere. Watch and relive the events as they unfold, and history was made right before our eyes.

The Journey Begins with Columbia College at 1104 S wabash and ends with chicagoans from all over the at the Thompson center as the winner is announced. Yes we can!

Marcus Nuccio THE CHRONICLE

Juliana Fernandes, an assistant professor at the University of Miami in Florida who specializes in political communication, supervised the study, which will be published in the March 2013 issue of the Mass Communication and
Society journal.

The study, conducted by U of M students, was done in two parts. The pilot study focused only on how frequently ads are shown, and the main study focused on how often and far apart they
are shown.

In the pilot study, Fernandes and her team showed participants a series of negative political ads dispersed among product ads.

Fernandes explained that the researchers were investigating how repetition would affect how viewers perceived the candidate sponsoring the ad. They found that after three exposures, participants had more favorable opinions of the candidate who sponsored the ad. But, after five airings, viewers’ opinions became
increasingly negative.

After establishing this pattern, Fernandes evaluated the results in a real-life setting in which participants were shown political ads over the course of a 30-minute show. Fernandes controlled the number of times the ads played in addition to how much time elapsed between exposures. She found that the frequency of the ads didn’t matter as much as the amount of time
between them.

According to Fernandes, the study found longer delays between negtive ads make people more likely to accept their messages. This led her to believe that candidates should be cautious about when and how often ads are shown, so as not to trigger a backlash.

“If candidates want to construct a media schedule, they should use negative ads strategically, not overwhelmingly,” she said. “They should not show them all at once but spread [them] out.”

Robert Bruhl, a clinical assistant professor of political science at the University of Illinois at Chicago, is not surprised by the findings.

“I suspect that that’s true just from the psychological standpoint,” Bruhl said. “When you hear something over and over, you stop paying attention. That’s a
psychological principle.”

Bruhl said he believes that political ads are often used to confirm political beliefs and do not just
inform decisions.

“Voters vote by habit and vote emotionally,” Bruhl said. “The attack ads can confirm [those sentiments]. Suppose you’re a Democrat and you don’t like Republicans: when you hear an attack ad on a Republican, it simply enforces your belief against Republicans and
vice versa.”

Paul Vasquez, a political scientist and lecturer at the University of Central Florida, said he believes that political ads can help uninformed voters reach a decision.

“[Political ads] help voters who are largely otherwise uninformed to make careful evaluations of the candidates,” Vasquez said. “Low-information voters who see a Romney ad saying all the great things he’s done, and an Obama ad saying all the great things he’s done … will be struck with a ‘both of these guys are equally good’ situation. So I think negative ads may help voters, to some degree, reach a decision.”

He added that he believes low-information voters can be easily swayed by political ads.

“I certainly think there are low-information voters who [can be naïve enough] to make a political vote based solely on an attack ad,” Vasquez said.

Fernandes said her personal curiosity drove her to conduct
the study.

“I have always been fascinated with the amount of political advertising that we have here in this country,” Fernandes said. “Especially negative advertising. I’m mostly just fascinated [by] how big of an impact negative information can have on people.”

graphic by Marcus Nuccio

On Aug. 22, Emanuel announced plans for a second year of Chicago’s participation in Comcast’s nationwide Internet Essentials program, which gives low-income families access to a number of services promoting Internet literacy and access. The program seeks to bridge the digital divide by offering high-speed Internet services to qualifying families at or below the poverty-line income level of $34,575 for a family of four.

More than 1,000 community activist organizations have made effective use of the program during the last year, according to Jack Segal, Comcast’s vice president of public relations for the greater Chicago region.

“The mayor wants kids at home to have all types of opportunities,” said Tom Alexander, spokesman for the mayor’s office. “Having high-speed Internet access at home is an opportunity for children and their parents to be together, to learn together, for parents to help kids do their homework and do research online.”

Since August 2011, Comcast has signed up almost 100,000 families to Internet Essentials throughout the country. Approximately 13,000 participants are in Illinois and 7,000 live in Chicago. This year brings new services to the program, including a provision that students in participating families are eligible for the National School Lunch program, according to Segal. The program also features expanded eligibility, doubled broadband speeds and free upgraded Internet
safety software.

“The program offers services at $9.95 per month compared to the retail price of $46.95 per month, so that’s a huge difference,” Segal said. “This is not a moneymaker. It’s really meant to be a community service and a community investment program to help low-income families get a leg up.”

A 2009 University of Illinois at Chicago survey indicates that 40 percent of people earning an annual income of $10,000 or less and 62 percent of workers earning $10,000 to $20,000 have access to the Internet at home, compared to 91 percent of people earning $75,000 to $100,000 having home access.

According to Segal, 2 million families served by Comcast qualified for Internet Essentials last year. This year, approximately 2.3 million families qualify for the program. Potential candidates will not qualify if they paid Comcast’s standard broadband retail rate within the last 90 days or if they have an overdue bill or unreturned Comcast equipment.

“We believe fully that if you don’t have access to the Internet, you are at an absolute disadvantage as a student and as a family,” Segal said. “We believe there is a huge advantage to having Internet at home.”

Segal said there are approximately 95,000 eligible households across the city, of which roughly 7,000 are currently registered.
Ricardo Estrada, president of Metropolitan Family Services, a community advocacy group catering to nearly 43,000 families in Chicago, said participating in Internet Essentials could be of immense benefit to
low-income families.

“We believe 80 percent of our people will qualify because 80 percent of the people we serve make less than $20,000 a year, which is an automatic in,” Estrada said.

He said job opportunities for teens are limited and reliable home Internet access would make it easier for young people to conveniently access information for schoolwork and enter the workforce by providing access to online
job applications.

According to 2012 figures from the Federal Communications Commission, more than 80 percent of Fortune 500 companies require job applicants to apply online.

Alexander said many employers in Chicago are attracted to the quality of the city’s workforce and access
to technology.

“Our goal is to get information about the program to as many people as possible so that they can learn about it and, if they’re qualified, get access at home,” Segal said.

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Chicago’s decennial tradition of redrawing the 50 ward boundaries has come and gone once again. While the new map passed with a 41-8 vote in the City Council Jan. 19, it wasn’t without struggle, and its effect will be felt for years to come.

With a substantial decrease in the Caucasian and African-American populations, as well as a sizeable influx of Latino residents, the new map is much more reflective of Chicago’s changing racial makeup.

But there is still an even bigger and more ominous problem within the City Council, besides the constant infighting and formation of cliques: It’s far too big.

There are 50 members of the City Council, one alderman per ward. As of the 2010 Census, there were approximately 2.7 million people living in Chicago. Almost every alderman represents about 54,000 people.

New York City, on the other hand, has 51 members on its City Council. Those 51 represent three times as many constituents. Every single alderman is charged with being the voice of an average of 158,000 citizens. As of press time, NYC hasn’t burned to the ground because there aren’t enough aldermen.

Given Chicago’s current budget situation, the local government has been on the hunt for any way to raise revenue, from closing libraries on Mondays and increasing parking meter costs to fines for unruly protesters during the G8 and NATO summits scheduled for May 2012—even though the latter is unsettlingly close to a fascist state.

The only idea that seems to be taboo is to reduce the size of the City Council, even when most aldermen only hold the position part time but still make more than $100,000 per year for their work.

Now, I think libertarianism is a fad that’s caught fire recently because of Ron Paul’s inexplicable rise in popularity. The City of Chicago has many, many departments and programs that genuinely do help the greater good and work to improve the lives of the citizens here.

But now, no idea should be shunned.

Consider this: If the City Council was cut to 25 aldermen, the city would save $2.5 million.

That extra money could be put toward areas that need more attention, like the police department, which is celebrating Jan. 18, Chicago’s first murder and shooting free days in 2011. That rationale is twisted, demented and greatly skewed.

The city is in dire financial straits, and much blame can be put on the aldermen.

Why should everyone else’s feet be held to the fire?

Give them credit for being open about their desire, though. Few politicos have the testicular fortitude to say what they really think.

But stop with the credit right there.

The frontrunners for the party’s presidential nod currently are Texas Governor Rick Perry, Minnesota Congresswoman Michelle Bachmann, former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney and the perplexingly popular Texas Congressman Ron Paul.

In a nutshell, Perry is George W. Bush on steroids, Bachmann could be classified as insane, Romney is a spineless puppet and Paul is doomed to play the role of Ralph Nader for the rest of his days.

But somehow, they have a more than legitimate chance of unseating Obama in the Oval Office, especially Perry.

GOP candidates have managed to garner support from the lunatic fringe throughout the country, an untapped resource for many politicians who don’t want to appear as unstable as the people they want to vote for them.

But now all bets are off. The GOP has embraced its inner craziness, and frankly, it’s carrying the party to the bank. Their Reagan-esque approach strikes a major chord with the section of people in the country who take more pleasure in living in the past than the present.

The days of even more intense and far-spread racial disparity are what many of these people consider the heyday of the country.

Bachmann has publicly spoken out against giving 11- and 12-year-old girls a vaccine to help prevent them from contracting the human papillomavirus later on in life. Perry called Social Security a “Ponzi scheme,” which causes one to question whether or not he actually knows what a Ponzi scheme is. When Paul said an uninsured patient on life support should be left to die, he was met with disturbing applause. Romney, who passed a law while he was governor that gave universal health care to everyone in Massachusetts, has shied away from his gubernatorial actions because they’re seen as too far to the left on the political spectrum.

These are the people who could potentially hold the country and the rest of the free world in the palm of their hands.

That’s the kind of thing nightmares are made of.

Because of the weeklong 38th G-8 Summit being held at McCormick Place, 2301 S. Lakeshore Dr. next spring, activists around the country have begun planning mass protests to which Columbia’s campus will occupy a front row seat.

The meeting, the second time in history where two international summits will be held simultaneously in the same city, will bring global dignitaries and their entourages to downtown Chicago in late May 2012—coinciding with Columbia’s annual Manifest celebration and Commencement.

“They’ll be right in our backyard, right here,” said President Warrick L. Carter at the faculty convocation on Sept. 2. “We’ve got to leave our community—the secret service will probably not allow us to be down here.”

Crowds of approximately 30,000 people are expected to descend on the South Loop to protest visiting political officials—many of whom will be staying at hotels surrounding Columbia’s campus—leading to safety concerns and a change in routine for faculty and students.

According to local union activist Joe Iosbaker, an initial meeting to plan for the summit garnered around 200 people, despite the event being nine months away.

The intervening time will be spent organizing and obtaining marching permits for what Iosbaker expects will be “tens of thousands” of protestors at “the largest event in seven or eight years.”

Columbia will likely have to move the last week of the semester back two weeks in order to get classes finished and students out of the Loop.

But the college isn’t to blame if spring break or J-term are shortened or done away with altogether. The city’s Department of Transportation, which oversees event permits—such as the one Columbia would need to host Manifest—only accepts permit proposals within the year the event will take place. A submission for Manifest would not be accepted until January 2012.

However, with so many people expected to gather in the Loop for the summit, space for Manifest seems unlikely.

Columbia’s three deans, Vice President of Academic Affairs and Interim Provost Louise Love and other department chairs—including Film and Video Department Chair Bruce Sheridan—received an email last week from Columbia’s administration informing them of the upcoming decision.

According to Sheridan, the administration also asked him and other faculty members for their opinions on the options at hand.

“It’s really a matter of what’s the greatest good for the greatest number of students,” Sheridan said.

Though he said the college would have liked to have known sooner about the city’s G-8 and NATO summit plans, he noted the school should make a decision soon, so students can proceed with the school year knowing what is ahead.

“For the Film and Video Department, shortening J-term by one week is ideal because we have ways of adjusting term courses to fit that period,” Sheridan said.

“If we had to lose spring break, I could see that as the next choice—but not my first choice. It just depends on how much they have to move it by.”

A decision from Columbia’s administration can be expected soon so students and faculty can plan accordingly.

According to a written statement from Love, “At this time, the college has not determined if the dates for commencement will be changed due to Chicago hosting the G-8 conference in May. We expect to make an announcement in the coming weeks.”

The second of Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s two scheduled town hall meetings last week, billed as a public forum on the forthcoming 2011 city budget, went much like the first—vented frustrations, complaints and the occasional congratulatory cheer—all moderated with a hint of disorder.

Emanuel fielded questions from the audience on a variety of topics at the West Side’s Malcolm X College, 1900 W. Van Buren St., including mass foreclosures, potholes, crime, union layoffs and one especially notable remark from a shy seventh-grader, whose question centered around the high number of liquor stores and subsequent drug dealers that make her walk to and from school a danger.

The question was an intersection of several points raised at the meeting—the city’s educational priorities, crime and the notorious lack of tax increment financing funds in blighted areas—with Emanuel adding to the equation by noting his commitment to “cut down food deserts in the city” rather than liquor stores being used as grocery stores.

“This is about more than the budget; it’s about how we work as a city,” Emanuel said at the beginning of the gathering in a statement that seemed all the more fitting throughout as the discussion gave way to broader concerns on issues facing every Chicagoan.

At times, the meeting seemed at a mild boiling point. Members of Service Employees International Union Local 73, the majority of attendees, could be heard threatening a collective chant that never fully materialized. Residents filled in the gap with questions for the mayor.

“In what way will the budget assist community college students?” one man asked.

A similar question can be applied to many aspects of life in the city, as the budget applies to almost every part of the way city government functions.

Emanuel has invited residents to speak up before October, when his new budget will be announced and sent to the City Council for approval.

“I want ideas, not insults,” Emanuel said of the town hall meeting. “I want people to be constructive, not complain—complaining won’t close a $635 million budget deficit.”

What he got was a bit of heckling, conversation, constructive opposition and a few words of comfort.

“I just wanted to introduce myself because the mayor never comes to the West Side,” said a 90-year-old woman, who garnered a response of admiration from Emanuel.

“Pleased to meet you and pleased to work with you because we want our city to continue to be the best city in the world,” he said.

“Just remember that you’re our employee,” she said. “Keep that in mind and we’ll be alright.”

Watch video of the town hall meeting

Darryl Holiday

As part of an ongoing saga, the Chicago Clean Power Ordinance took another step on April 21 when the controversial proposal was heard before the City Council Health Committee and the Energy, Environmental and Public Utilities Committee, which ended with the vote being postponed because of the complexity of investigation involved in moving forward.

Employees of Midwest Generation, owner of the city’s two coal-fired power plants, and clean power ordinance supporters filled the Council chambers at 121 N. LaSalle St. to voice concern regarding what has largely become a battle between union jobs and clean air advocacy.

“We’re here to let people know that perceptions [about the plants] are wrong,” said a union power plant controlman of 30 years, who refused to be identified. “The industry is changing, new technologies are coming, but it doesn’t happen overnight.”

The Clean Power Ordinance, introduced last year by Alderman Joe Moore (50th Ward), seeks to either convert the coal plants to safer energy production methods or shut them down completely by next year, as previously reported in The Chronicle on Sept. 13, 2010 and Feb. 21, 2011.

However, it remains to be seen whether the city is ready for Moore’s solution.

“Everything takes time,” said Suzanne Malec-McKenna, commissioner of the Illinois Department of Environment. “We want clean air but based around economic aspects.”

Attended by hundreds of supporters on both sides of the issue, the committee hearing was one of several steps some council members have taken to further regulate the Crawford and Fisk coal plants, 1111 W. Cermak Road and 3501 S. Pulaski Road.

Workers of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, Local 15, stressed the importance of employment that the plants provide as well as safety restrictions in place at the facilities. However, ordinance advocates argue that the negative health impact on residents should take precedence.

According to Malec-McKenna, the Chicago Climate Action Plan, regardless of potential Clean Power Ordinance restrictions, has imposed reduction timelines on the plants emissions that would shut them down by 2018 if those regulations are not met.

Both plants are, as of April 21, legally in compliance with state permits, according to Malec-McKenna. However, according to Miranda Carter, of Environment Illinois, their “grandfathered” status allows the plants—two of the oldest in the country—to avoid meeting current standards.

In 2004, the plants emitted 5.13 tons of carbon dioxide, according to the Illinois Department of Environment, though pending rules under new powers given to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to regulate carbon could further restrict the plants in coming months.

However, the EPA, which received its new powers in January, is moving slowly in imposing new restrictions.

“Because there has been federal inaction and state inaction in resolving this issue, we must address the effects of coal power here on the local level,” said Alderman Daniel Solis (25th Ward), whose ward includes Pilsen, where the Fisk coal plant is located. “Regardless of the outcome of today’s hearing, I will continue to fight for a cleaner, safer environment for our neighborhoods.”

Solis, who until last month refused to support the ordinance, recently changed his mind in the lead up to the April 15 runoff election when aldermanic challenger Temoc Morfin forced him to flip-flop on the issue in a successful effort to retain his seat in City Council.

The joint committee’s decision to hold the long-awaited vote on the ordinance, according to Virginia Rugai (19th Ward), retiring alderman and chairman of the Energy, Environmental Protection and Public Utilities committee, is intended to further scrutinize the ambitious proposal before action is taken.

In addition to the discussion regarding the city’s two coal-fired power plants, located less than five miles apart in the Little Village and Pilsen neighborhoods, the legal authority of the ordinance was called into question as well as frequently cited data stating the devastating effects of the plants on city residents.

According to Ron Jolly, senior counsel of the city’s law department, the ordinance will likely be challenged in court if passed in the City Council. Jolly said while Chicago has broad authority within its jurisdiction, that power is not unlimited. He noted the legal risks involved in exercising “home rule” authority regarding air quality, though confirming that the department will “vigorously” defend the ordinance to the best of its ability should matters go to court.

Likewise, the validity of a September 2010 report from the Clean Air Task Force, stating that 621 deaths and 1,019 asthma cases occur per year in Illinois due to the Fisk and Crawford coal plants, was challeneged by Cortland Lohfs, medical director for the Illinois Department of Public Health.

According to Lowe, an exact number of fatalities and other negative health consequences cannot be attributed to the coal plants because harmful particulate matter comes from a variety of sources, many of which are present in Pilsen and Little Village.

“I disagree with the facts as stated [in the report],” Lowe said. “You can’t trust those numbers.”

Many other questions remained largely unresolved at the hearing, including where energy produced at the Midwest coal plants ends up being used—many sources say not necessarily in Illinois—and whether alteration of the plants will be harmful to city revenue.

It will be largely up to the incoming City Council due to be inaugurated on May 16, and Mayor-elect Rahm Emanuel to decide.

Having lost his bid for re-election to what would have been an 11th term, Alderman Berny Stone (50th Ward) said he still has some things he wants to say about Chicago and the changing face of its City Council.

Stone was drawn into a runoff race in the Feb. 22 general election after nearly 40 years of representing the 50th Ward. On April 5, the second longest-serving alderman in the City Council lost his seat when challenger Debra Silverstein took nearly 62 percent of the vote. Stone won 38 percent of the 9,629 ballots cast, according to the Chicago Board of Elections.

“There are so many things to do,” Stone said as the results came in to his ward headquarters at 6199 N. Lincoln Ave. “There are so many things I wanted to finish off. I’ve never been one who hid his light under a basket, and I won’t do it now. There are things I will have to say, and I’m not afraid to say them either.”

At 83 years old, the World War II veteran noted his welcoming home of Vietnam War troops as one of his many political highlights, alongside the saving of Thillens Stadium, 6404 N. Kedzie Ave., and development of the 50th Ward.

“We did what we could,” Stone said. “I’m sorry that in the judgment of the voters it wasn’t what they felt was good enough, but I’m not ashamed.”

Silverstein, a certified public accountant and wife of Illinois State Senator Ira Silverstein, will assume the role of alderman on May 16.

“I just really feel, and I’ve been saying this the entire election, that the people of the 50th Ward are ready for change,” she said. “It could be really something special, and I think this is what the people want. They want somebody [who is] going to be out there that’s going to listen … and [who is] going to take what they say to heart and to try and do things for the betterment of the community.”

The two opponents faced a contentious election from the start as allegations of ageism, sexism and inappropriately used funds ran throughout the race. A legal complaint filed by the Silverstein camp against Stone is awaiting decision from the Board of Elections, which will decide whether funds from Stone’s campaign were misused by a local ward group to target Silverstein in mailers and so-called robo-calls.

Silverstein gained the support of Mayor-elect Rahm Emanuel in the general and runoff election, as well as large donations from local unions who contributed to
her campaign.

Commenting on the lead-up to his loss, Stone said a combination of factors contributed, including the powerful backing behind his opponent.

“I was going against the machine, [and] in the past I’ve been with the machine,” Stone said on the night regarding Chicago’s aldermanic progressives. “I had everything going against me. I had the committeemen, I had the mayor-elect [and] I had the unions. I had everything against me.”

Bill Holland, an 88-year-old Rogers Park resident, considers Stone’s loss one for the whole neighborhood.

“What’s coming in now is inexperienced, absolutely no background—[there’s] nothing there,” Holland said. “[Stone] has all the brains. He knows [the ward] inside and out, and he can do a lot more with this area by staying in.”

However, 50th Ward resident Bob Tisch, a Silverstein supporter who claims to be “approximately the same age as the ward,” attended her celebration for similar but opposite reasons.

“This race was over at 7:01 [p.m.] when the judge closed the door,” Tisch said of her victory. “They knew it from who was voting where.”

As the 50th Ward prepares for its first aldermanic change in nearly four decades, an era of Chicago’s City Council is changing as well. Eighteen new aldermen will fill the chamber seats in May, while four incumbent aldermen have found themselves suddenly out of work.

Despite her high-powered backing, Silverstein said she won’t be a rubber stamp for the coming Emanuel administration.

“I’m looking forward to being an independent person in the City Council,” she said. “I think it’s time. I think we need to get the confidence back to the people that government is actually working for them.”

Alderman Joe Moore, independent representative of the 49th Ward, was on hand at Silverstein’s “landslide victory” to support the alderman-elect.

“I am very pleased to report that I’m going to have a new neighbor,” Moore said.

A complaint was filed with the Illinois State Board of Elections alleging that a local group, Concerned Citizens of the 50th Ward, failed to file disclosure reports detailing money it received. The group paid for anti-Silverstein campaign mailings and so-called robocalls to voters.

“There’s an issue of whether the Concerned Citizens of the 50th Ward is an independent educational group or simply a campaign appendage,” said James Nally, a lawyer representing Silverstein.

Nally questioned whether all contributions to the group have been reported.

“If you look at the amount of activity this group had, it would appear they spent in excess of $12,000, yet that’s all they’ve reported up to now,” he said. “The mail-houses don’t work for free.”

Contradictory A-1 reports, detailing contributions of at least $1,000 made since Jan. 1, were filed by the organization, Nally said. One of the reports originally identified three individuals as providing in-kind contributions for the mailings. Another A-1 was later reported and said the money, $12,000, had come from Alderman Bernard Stone’s campaign, which he later admitted to funding but said was unintentional.

“When it was formed, the organization said they were not supporting or opposing any candidates,” Silverstein said. “Then they came out with anti-Debra Silverstein, pro-Berny Stone mailings—many of them.”

This isn’t the first clash between Silverstein, wife of Illinois Sen. Ira Silverstein, and the 83-year-old Stone. Sen. Silverstein defeated Stone in his 2008 bid for the 50th Ward Democratic Committeeman seat and Stone recently called Ms. Silverstein, a certified public accountant, a “housewife” in a Sun-Times article.

Stone also questioned some of Silverstein’s contributions because various local unions, including Unite Here Local 1, SEIU Illinois and the Chicago Teachers Union, have contributed thousands of dollars to her campaign since Jan. 1.

“She’s a captive of the union,” Stone said. “And of course the unions man most of the polling places on election day.”

During the general municipal elections, Silverstein was one of the few candidates to be endorsed by Mayor-elect Rahm Emanuel, who is expected to continue his support for her during the run-off.

Stone, however, said he has the support of two of the original three “change” candidates who didn’t make the runoff, Ahmed Khan and Michael Moses.

“Throughout the campaign we had various issues and agendas that we had presented,” Khan said. “After the election, Alderman Stone was the candidate willing to sit down with me and see what those ideas are.”

A vote for Stone is a vote for stability, said Khan, who also noted with the budgetary pressures facing City Council, he doesn’t think Silverstein has the knowledge or experience needed to face the challenges ahead.

“We don’t have time right now for a learning process,” he said.

Stone is campaigning for his 11th term in office. Initially elected in 1973, Stone notes his elimination of a food desert on the ward’s east end and an increase in construction on Devon Avenue as some of his accomplishments.

Increased action on needed city services for residents, major economic development and the promotion of an “international marketplace” are part of Silverstein’s platform she hopes will sway enough voters to elect her when the April 5 run-off comes. She said these are all points Stone has fallen short on.

Having won 33 percent of the votes in the Feb. 22 election, Silverstein notes a majority—63 percent—of those who cast ballots against Stone and says that’s evidence the neighborhood is ready for change.

Stone, who won 37 percent of the vote, said he’s confident he will be able to win an 11th term.

However, the question of Stone’s contribution to the Concerned Citizens of the 50th Ward lingers. A hearing was held on March 3 and a public hearing on March 30, where evidence was presented by Silverstein’s lawyers regarding the nondisclosure of funds by the group.

Silverstein’s lawyers anticipate a decision by the Illinois State board of elections regarding the case in the coming months.

Preliminary voter turnout data in the recent municipal election suggests a larger youth vote than in previous years. However, precise demographic data is not yet available to confirm this.

Jim Allen, spokesman for the Chicago board of elections commissioners, said specific demographics for wards that will have a runoff election in April will probably be out in the next two to three weeks. Wards where elections were finalized will likely not see their demographic information for another five weeks, according to Allen.

The Lakeview neighborhood, which stretches into the 44th Ward—Chicago’s most youth-populated ward—saw 13,089 ballots cast, roughly twice the number cast in the 2007 election, when the count was 6,669.

The increase in turnout for the ward, much greater than the 8.6 percent increase for the overall city, could be due to the nature of the elections, according to Eric Zoberman, field director for Rock the Vote, a 20-year-old organization with a primary goal of educating and registering young voters.

“A lot of the energy, enthusiasm and appreciation for just how important of a race this was was out there,”
Zoberman said.

According to him, the national organization’s main role was educating young voters on exactly what was at stake for them in this election.

“On a superficial level, we’re going to be around a lot longer,” Zoberman said. “On a more direct level, every piece of legislation out there—whether it’s social security meant for senior citizens or child development meant for infants—it’s all going to affect most young people one day.”

He said a possible reason for a higher youth turnout was because Daley was “their parents’ guy.” This election finally gave them the chance to elect their own candidate.

It is likely the turnout increase was higher among young people than older generations, according to Zoberman.

Molly Andolina, associate professor of political science at DePaul University, said the youth vote always trailed the older adult population.

“There’s a clear connection between age and [the] likelihood of going to the polls,” Andolina said. “Starting in about the mid 1980s, the gap between young people and older people began to grow, so it was more than just a phenomenon associated with youth.”

According to her, an increase in youth turnout is the result of committed organizations engaging and educating young people on the importance of politics.

“There’s a lot of evidence to show if you do make these peer to peer authentic reach-outs to young people, they’ll respond to it,” Andolina said.

The mayoral race was similar to another historical election in Chicago, according to Dick Simpson, head of the Political Science Department at the University of Illinois at Chicago. He said the campaign staff of former Mayor Harold Washington—whose 1983 election saw an extremely high youth turnout—largely comprised young adults.

“There were a number of young people working in the campaigns [of most of the candidates in this election],” Simpson said. “There were more youth working, which may have helped.”

Zoberman said Rock the Vote would not have accomplished anything without the help of volunteers and organizations like Chicago Votes and Chicago After Daley. The collaborative efforts allowed youth to get involved in the election and hold a candidate forum on Feb. 17.

Zoberman said it is important for young voters to remain involved.

“If we want our issues addressed, we have to get out to the polls and let the candidates know we’re paying attention,” he said.

Debra Silverstein

Ald. Bernard Stone

50th Ward considers change

The race in the 50th Ward has been heating up ever since the Feb. 22 election. Alderman Bernard Stone, who won 37 percent of the ward vote, and Debra Silverstein at nearly 34 percent, have traded barbs and continue to make their case for why they should be chosen to represent the North Side neighborhood of West Ridge—one of the most diverse areas in the city.

The 10-term alderman was first elected in 1973 and is currently the oldest member of the City Council. Stone is known for his sometimes outlandish comments.

A recent legal complaint filed by Silverstein could prove troublesome for Stone if investigations into a political group in the 50th Ward show their non-disclosure of $12,000 from his campaign were used to attack Silverstein.

According to Silverstein, the ward is ready for change, as evident by the 63 percent of residents who didn’t vote for Stone in February. She also noted major economic development is needed in the ward that hasn’t been given enough attention under Stone’s tenure.

“This could be something really special and unique, and nothing has been done so far,” she said, also noting crime prevention and city services are issues residents have told her need improvement.

Stone said voters should re-elect him for an 11th term because of his experience and past accomplishments, which include his elimination of a food desert on the East End of his ward, relief of overcrowding in the local school system and an increase in construction on Devon Avenue.

Though Stone said he has little money left in his current campaign fund, he’s certain it won’t be a problem in April.

“We’re [going to] raise more money,” he said. “I’ve always been successful at putting on formidable campaigns, and I’ll continue to be successful.”

James Cappleman

Molly Phelan

46th Ward vies for open seat

As one of four open-seat runoffs, the North Side’s 46th Ward—largely comprising the Uptown neighborhood—will see Molly Phelan and James Cappleman face each other on April 5. The two remaining candidates received the same number of votes in the Feb. 22 election—2,721 out of a total 13,866 ballots cast—or 19.62 percent each, according to the Chicago board of elections commissioners.

While a crowded field of 11 candidates vied for the position in the Feb. 22 race, both remaining candidates said they hope voters will take the opportunity to get to know them more personally in the coming month.

Crime in the ward is among the highest priority issues, according to both candidates, but they disagree on how to best achieve a safer neighborhood.

“The biggest difference between Mr. Cappleman and I is I’ve committed to using the $1.3 million in aldermanic funds to improve public safety,” Phelan said. “Mr. Cappleman is an avid gardener and wants to spend our money on flowerpots, decorative lights and sidewalk beautification.”

But according to Lauren Peters, Cappleman’s campaign manager, his long-term involvement with various community, police and governmental organizations is why voters should choose him against Phelan.

“We don’t have to reintroduce him to the community,” she said. “It’s just reminding them of who he is and the work he’s already done.”

Creating the groundwork for a ward masterplan and calling for a line-item forensic audit in city government are included on the list—which Phelan agrees should
be implemented.

Both candidates said they will position themselves as independent members should they be elected to City Council in April.

Ald. Daniel "Danny" Solis

Cuahutemoc "Temoc" Morfin

25th Ward alderman hangs on

Out of the 10 races in which an incumbent is trying to save his or her seat, the 25th Ward is one of the more interesting to watch in the coming month.  Alderman Daniel Solis, appointed to office in 1996 by Mayor Richard M. Daley, retained 49 percent of the ward vote—barely missing an outright victory by not getting more than 50 percent of the vote.

He will now have to face community activist Cuahutemac Morfin, who won 28 percent of the vote
in April.

“It goes to show people have deposited their trust in me,” Morfin said. “People know and realize we’re due for change here in the 25th Ward. We need real representation, accountability, transparency and a new vision.”

While Morfin said he doubts Solis would show up for a debate, he hopes a debate will be scheduled for the community in the coming weeks.

“I plan to run a very educational campaign and lay out the facts so we give people an incentive to come out and vote,”
he said.

According to Morfin, the environment and its affect on the community are two of his highest priorities. Mostly made up of Pilsen, the 25th Ward contains one of the two coal-fired power plants located in the city—the other is  around five miles away in neighboring Little Village.

“We’re talking about people dying [because of] the contamination from the plants, and there’s really no accountability whatsoever,” Morfin said, noting Solis has taken thousands of dollars from the owner of the plants,  Midwest Generation during the last 10 years and has so far refused to sign the Chicago Clean Power Ordinance, which would regulate their emissions.

Solis could not be reached for comment as of press time despite multiple attempts.